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I have suggested that the ideologies were in institutions, in their rituals and their practices, in the ISAs.

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Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays - From Marx to Mao

These are examples of a deformation of sense very commonly found in the dialectic of ideologies.
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These claims about norms raise two difficulties. First, there is apotential regress of rules, that is, that explicit rules requiresfurther rules to apply them, and so on. Second, this approach cannotcapture how norms are often only implicit in practices rather thanexplicitly expressed (Brandom 1994, 18–30). Here Habermas sides withPettit in seeing the central function of explicit norms as creating acommons that can serve as the basis for institutionalizing norms, aspace in which the content of norms and concepts can be put up forrational reflection and revision (Pettit 1992, Habermas 1990). Makingsuch implicit norms explicit is thus also the main task of theinterpretive social scientist and is a potential source of socialcriticism; it is then the task of the participant-critic in thedemocratic public sphere to change them. There is one more possiblerole for the philosophically informed social critic. As we have seenin the case of ideological speech, the reconstructive sciences“also explain deviant cases and through this indirect authorityacquire a critical function as well” (Habermas, 1990,32).

Principle of less eligibility – Politics and Insights

refuse to be his own ideological mirror, the reflection of an ideology of 'aesthetic creation') are facts profoundly linked to the  of this painting.
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Nonetheless, even this democratic principle may still be toodemanding, to the extent that it requires the agreement of all citizens(counterfactually) as a criterion of legitimacy. Habermas admits thatin the case of cultural values we need not expect such agreement, andhe even introduces compromise as a possible discursive outcome ofdemocratic procedures. One way to genuinely weaken the principle wouldbe to substitute cooperation for consensus and the outcome of theprocedure: “a law then would be legitimate only if it could beagreed to in a fair and open deliberative process in which all citizensmay freely continue to participate whatever the outcome” (Bohman 1996,89). In this way, what is crucial is not the agreement as such, but howcitizens reason together within a common public sphere. The democraticprinciple in this form expresses an ideal of citizenship rather than astandard of liberal legitimacy .

 

Posts about Principle of less eligibility written by Kitty S Jones

The result tends to be a rejection of reality and a distortion of fact, in order that the ideological beliefs may remain intact.
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Habermas's rejection of the explanatory holism of the first generationof the Frankfurt School has both explanatory and normativeimplications. First, he brings categories of meaning and agency backinto critical social theory, both of which were absent in themacro-sociological and depth psychological approaches that werefavored in the post war period. This brings democratic potentials backinto view, since democracy makes sense only within specific forms ofinteraction and association, from the public forum to variouspolitical institutions. Indeed, Habermas's first and perhaps mostenduring work, The Structural Transformation of the PublicSphere (Habermas 1989/1961), traced the historical emergence ofnew forms of public interaction from the intimate sphere of thefamily, to coffee houses, salons, and finally to parliamentarydebates. While linked ultimately to a narrative of its declinethrough the market and the administrative state, the core of suchinteraction and the critical and egalitarian potential of being partof a public whose members address one another as equals had forHabermas a nonideological, even “utopian” core (Habermas1989, 88). Second, Habermas also developed an alternative sociology ofmodernity, in which social differentiation and pluralization are notpathological but positive features of modern societies (Habermas 1982,1986). Indeed, the positive conception of complexity permits ananalysis of the ways in which modern societies and their functionaldifferentiation opens up democratic forms of self-organizationindependently of some possible expressively integrated totality. Suchan ideal of an expressive totality and conscious self control over theproduction of the conditions of social life is replaced with publicityand mutual recognition within feasible discursive institutions.

Doublethink is also what makes it possible for ideological drones to be aware of the fact that the ..
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in the attitudes of the individual-subjects occupying the posts which the socio-technical division of labour assigns to them in production, exploitation, repression, ideologization, scientific practice, etc.


Prabhat Samgiita | Ananda Marga Ideological Forum

Freud shows that individuals are always 'abstract' with respect to the subjects they always-already are, simply by noting the ideological ritual that surrounds the expectation of a 'birth', that 'happy event'.

The ideological civil war raging in U.S

That is why those who are in ideology believe themselves by definition outside ideology: one of the effects of ideology is the practical of the ideological character of ideology by ideology: ideology never says, 'I am ideological'.

Philosophical Dictionary: Erasmus-Extrinsic

But to recognize that we are subjects and that we function in the practical rituals of the most elementary everyday life (the hand-shake, the fact of calling you by your name, the fact of knowing, even if I do not know what it is, that you 'have' a name of your own, which means that you are recognized as a unique subject, etc.) -- this recognition only gives us the 'consciousness' of our incessant (eternal) practice of ideological recognition -- its consciousness, i.e.

Erasmus, Desiderius Dutch humanist

In this preliminary remark and these concrete illustrations, I only wish to point out that you and I are subjects, and as such constantly practice the rituals of ideological recognition, which guarantee for us that we